Open Letter to Eisenbrauns Editors

Eisenbrauns is now showing a forthcoming second edition of Gregorio del Olmo Lete’s Canaanite Religion according to the Liturgical Texts of Ugarit.
While I’m quite happy for a new and updated edition of del Olmo Lete’s work, I would be ecstatic if this edition had something that was in the original 1992 Spanish edition (yet strangely lacking from the English translation): photos. I am well aware that it would up the publication costs drastically, but La religion cananea segun la liturgia de Ugarit had photographs of some tablets found nowhere else (including Inscriptifact and Les Textes Rituels).
Given the difficulty in getting a hold of the old Spanish edition, Eisenbrauns would do the NWS scholarly world a service by providing the photos in their new edition.
(Not to mention that it was also guarantee that many of us who have the older, first English edition would shell out the cash for the new one.)
Talpiot for Dummies
For those of us who prefer Jerusalem to Athens or Gezer to Talpiot, Chris Heard has a great summary and analysis of recent debates over the Talpiot ossuaries and alleged tomb of Jesus. I haven’t had students bring this up in my New Testament class yet, but it might make an appearance in our discussion of the gospel of Mary Magdalene.
Musing on Sacral Kinship in Ancient Israel
Last night I was reading James C. Moyer’s 1969 Brandeis dissertation, “The Concept of Ritual Purity among the Hittites.” While I’ve had this book on my shelf for several years and found his definitions of ritual vocabulary helpful (though now slightly dated), I had not given the latter chapters a good reading. I decided to remedy this last night after running across numerous references to Moyer’s work in Billie Jean Collin’s recent book (discussed here) as well as in Theo van den Hout’s The Purity of Kinship.
An odd little tangent in Moyer’s discussion of the ritual purity of the king got piqued my interest — not for what it said about the sacral status of the Hittite king but because of its comparative implications in ancient Israel:
[T]he Hebrew king was sacrosanct by virtue of his anointment (II Sam. 1:14, 15). David would not kill King Saul and forbade Abishai to slay the Lord’s anointed (I Sam 26:9). It may be reading too much into this inviolability to connect it in some way with the king’s purity. But for the Hittite king there is a very interesting passage in the Apology of Ḫattušilliš that may make the connection. In the Apology, Ḫattušilliš describes bow he was demoted time and again by [his nephew] Urḫi-Teshub. Each time he did nothing at all out of respect to his brother [Muwatalli II]. But finally, when Urḫi-Teshub took the cities of Ḫakpiš and Nerikka, Ḫattušilliš made war on him (iii 66). Then follows this statement: … “When I made war on him I did not do it papratar.” (iii 66, 67) Whatever papratar means it is clear that Ḫattušilliš does not want the people to believe he was guilty of it… [and should be] translated “I did not do it as an unclean thing.”… His use of papratar would seem to indicate that in some way the purity of the king was connected with his inviolability. (p. 92)
Moyer’s connection of the Saul and David stories with the sacral nature of the Hittite king Urḫi-Teshub and Ḫattušilliš’ desire to be seen as not violating religious taboos is interesting. While their are numerous articles comparing the Apology with the rise of David, I don’t remember running across someone positing an explicit link of sacral kingship.
Personally, I have always wondered whether the sacral nature of Saul’s kingship was something that was being argued against in some strata of DtrH. In passages such as 1 Sam 19:19-20:5, Saul’s sacral nature (being “among the prophets”) interferes with his ability to defend his kingship. While David and his heirs are adopted as sons of the divine, we do not see this mantic sacral quality to them.
Regardless of whether my or Moyer’s theory has legs, I can only hope that my dissertation has folks reading and commenting upon it some forty years after it’s completion.
(BTW: if your browser is having trouble reading all the characters in this post, I recommend switching the default font to either Arial Unicode or Gentium.)
Random Picture

I’m teaching Socrates and Plato at Temple this week. One of my colleagues turned me on to this image.
(HT: Saint Gasoline)
My Weekend in Hattusa
I spent the better part of Sunday and Monday working through Billie Jean Collins’ The Hittites and Their World, (Archaeology and Biblical Studies 7; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2007). The book is divided into five chapters covering the history of the field, political history of the Hittites, Hittite society, Hittite religion and finally Hittites in the Bible.
Collins’ book contains useful, up-to-dated bibliography (clear up to the end of 2006) and included recent digs such as Sarissa. Unfortunately, there is no comprehensive bibliography, and one is forced to search back through the large (50-70 page) chapters for the first appearance of an article rather than finding at the back. This minor problem aside, the book is quite useful and very informative.
My purpose of spending a weekend reading on the Hittites was to answer some thorny issues in my dissertation related to political rituals in the Hittite empire. Not unexpectedly, these issues were answered more by footnotes and bibliography than the main chapter. However, while reading the chapter on religion I came across this little nugget related to the nature of Hittite religious texts:
These religious compositions are official in nature, not canonical or theological, and certainly were not written to aid in private devotion. Instead, the records were intended to aid the bureaucracy in the organization and maintenance of the religious regulations to guide the temple personnel in the performance of their duties, record of cultic administration, prescriptions for the proper performance of ceremonies, reports of diviners, religious compositions used in scribal education and so on. (p.157)
It occurred to me, while reading this, that this also describes the archives at Ugarit as well. The texts we have are neither canonical nor theological nor devotional in nature. Ugaritic religious texts serve as aids for the ritual bureaucracy in ways quite similar to their Hittite counterparts. While there are many scholars who would disagree with this summation, it is nice to be able to point to similarities in contemporary archives to bolster one’s claims.
(BTW: any readers wishing that this post was about an actual vacation at Hattusa are welcomed to help fund a trip 😉 )
How to Lie with Statistics: Bible Translation Edition
Zondervan has invited several bloggers who blog on the Bible (aka bibliobloggers) to discuss an article by Karen Jobes entitled “Bible Translation as Bilingual Quotation” (the article is available at Zondervan’s blog). John Hobbins has already written two excellent posts highlighting both the strengths and weaknesses of Jobes’ approach. In this post I will attempt to cover different ground than John and question some of the core assumptions about Jobes’ method. Read more…
Winners in a Contest of Love
Eisenbrauns has posted the winners of its ancient Near East poetry contest. I was tempted to submit something in Ugaritic; but after seeing that Hieroglyphic Luwian received only an honorable mention, I’m glad that I did not attempt.
Kudos to all who won. The level of erudition and plain-old geekdom is astounding. I cower in the presence of those such as you.
(HT: James Spinti)
Fortuitous Timing
As I am sitting and preparing my first lecture on Matthew for my NT class tomorrow, a fortuitously timed post came across my RSS reader. Chris Weimer’s latest thought on antiquity addresses the issue of ἡ βασιλεια του θεου vs. των οὐρανων in the gospel of Matthew.
While he promises that his argument will be continued, Chris’ post is enough to give one who had been taught that Matthew uses ἡ βασιλεια των οὐρανων as a circumlocution for the divine pause.
Indeed, early this evening I was musing on this very issue and unsure as to whether bring it up in class. That Matthew is using a different phrase is clear. Why he’s using it is the key. I look forward to seeing Chris’ further thoughts.
Representations of Political Power
Over the last few days I’ve been reading Representations of Political Power: Case Histories from Times of Change and Dissolving Order in the Ancient Near East. Edited by Marlies Heinz and Marian H. Feldman. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2007.
This is a wonderful little volume with some amazing essays including “Reestablishment of Order after Major Disruption Emar and the Transition from Hurrian to Hittite Power” by Regine Pruzsinszky, “Changing Order from within the Royal Cemetery of Ur: Ritual, Tradition, and the Creation of Subjects” by Susan Pollock, and “The Divine Image of the King: Religious Representation of Political Power in the Hittite Empire” by Dominik Bonatz.
Most of my research at the moment is focusing on the analogical use of royal ritual in the cult. The essays in this volume attest to the reciprocal relationship between royal and religious usage of shared symbols. Depending on state of the civil leadership viz the cult the borrowing can go in either direction. Hence, the cultic texts that I am working on may be making use of royal rituals that in turn might have had their antecedents in older religious rituals that are no longer attested.
All this makes for quite a Monday headache.
Page 123
It appears that Kevin Wilson has tagged me for an odd little game of social networking. The rules are as followed:
- Pick up the nearest book of 123 pages or more (no cheating!)
- Find page 123
- Find the first five sentences
- Post the next three sentences
- Tag five people
The nearest book at hand is my favourite Bible: a leather combination BHS/UBS4 that I hand-bound myself (yes, I also have a Biblia Sacra, but it’s not leather bound and has the NA27). Since I’m teaching intro to the New Testament this semester, the Greek side is up; and I’ll post from that side. Page 123 of the UBS4 is Mark 2.1-10. Assuming each verse is about a sentence, my quote consists of vv.6-8 (text pulled from zhubert.com).
6 ἦσαν δέ τινες τῶν γραμματέων ἐκεῖ καθήμενοι καὶ διαλογιζόμενοι ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν, 7 τί οὗτος οὕτως λαλεῖ βλασφημεῖ τίς δύναται ἀφιέναι ἁμαρτίας εἰ μὴ εἷς ὁ θεός; 8 καὶ εὐθὺς ἐπιγνοὺς ὁ Ἰησοῦς τῷ πνεύματι αὐτοῦ ὅτι οὕτως διαλογίζονται ἐν ἑαυτοῖς λέγει αὐτοῖς, τί ταῦτα διαλογίζεσθε ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ὑμῶν;
I tag the following folks: Daniel Kirk, Pat McCullough, Jim Spinti, and Calvin and Mandy Park.



